From: <a href="http://www.aftenposten.no/spesial/wikileaksdokumenter/article3960369.ece">Aftenposten</a><br>
Date: 18.06.2007

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PM STOLTENBERGS RUSSIA TRIP: GRADUAL GAINS IN THE NORTH

1. (SBU)
Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg,s June 7-10 visit to Russia
produced progress on Norwegian priorities in the Barents
region. Despite some controversial statements on missile
defense and some public criticism of Russia,s human rights
record, Stoltenberg,s visit was primarily characterized by
some successes for Norway,s High North priorities, including
resolution of a small part of Norway,s disputed sea-border
with Russia and new Russian commitments on safety and economic
development of the Barents Sea region. This result will likely
encourage the government to continue Norway,s enthusiastically
positive approach to Russia, downplaying tensions over
security matters within NATO and other negative aspects.

Murmansk: Nuclear safety and Economic Development
-------------------------------------------------------

2. (U)
Prime Minister Stoltenberg began his trip in Murmansk,
becoming the first Norwegian Prime Minister to visit this
city. In Murmansk, Stoltenberg reaffirmed Norway,s commitment
to continue joint efforts with Russia on nuclear cleanup and
safety and in stimulating economic development and trade
between northern Norway and the Kola Peninsula. Stoltenberg
also donated equipment for oil spill cleanup and announced
that with support from Russia in the International Maritime
Organization, Norway had been successful in establishing new
shipping lanes off Norway,s Barents coastline designed to
ensure safety at sea and protection for the environment.
Stoltenberg also received a copy of a recently completed map
of nuclear facilities on the Kola Peninsula, financed by
Norway.

Moscow and St. Petersburg: Border Agreement 
------------------------------------------------

3. (U)
Stoltenberg then continued to Moscow, where he met with
President Putin and Prime Minister Fradkov. In Moscow,
Stoltenberg came to an agreement with PM Fradkov on the
maritime border in the Varangerfjord, a small step in eventual
agreement on the maritime border in the Barents Sea. He also
signed a new visa agreement with Russia, making travel and
trade easier. Stoltenberg concluded his visit by participating
in the St. Petersburg Economic Forum, helping Norwegian
business leaders, including Helge Lund, the CEO of Statoil,
arrange a meeting with President Putin. He also participated
in a panel discussion in which he obliquely criticized
Russia,s respect for human rights and democracy. Speaking
before an audience including President Putin and Kazakh
President Nursultan Nazarbajev, Stoltenberg said that
&amp;states in the east must fully respect democracy and human
rights to become stable cooperative partners with the West.
These are not western values, but universal values8. Up until
these remarks Stoltenberg had not given human rights a high
profile, including during his previous meetings with Putin and
Fradkov.

Stoltenberg Criticizes Missile Defense
----------------------------

4. (C)
Perhaps the most controversy of the visit was generated by a
quote on missile defense Stoltenberg made while in Murmansk.
Stoltenberg called on the U.S. and Russia to discuss missile
defense, and said it was important for both sides to reduce
harsh rhetoric and to avoid a new arms race. He continued to
say that Norway has all along been skeptical of missile
defense plans and would not allow missile defenses in Norway.
Russian suspicions of the Vardoe radar site in northern Norway
and false complaints about its supposed use in U.S. missile
defense plans were a staple of past meetings of Norwegian and
Russian leaders and continue to be a sub theme of Russian
complaints about U.S. missile defense plans at NATO. However,
during this visit the radar was not directly raised by either
side.

And Gets Criticized
------------------

5. (U)
Norwegian media reaction to Stoltenberg,s statement was
critical, with editorials in Norway,s largest paper
castigating Stoltenberg for expressing his criticism of U.S.
missile defense plans while in Russia, while not even
mentioning Putin,s strong threats against NATO. The paper
stated that the PM,s criticism of the U.S. on such a sensitive
issue, without any balancing criticism of Russia, creates an
impression of Norwegian servility towards Russia and shows
that Norway is intimidated. The paper called for the PM to
speak out against Putin,s harsh rhetoric, and make clear that
Russia does not have veto power over missile defense plans in
NATO countries. The editorial also stated that U.S. plans are
no threat to Russia and that if the PM needs to criticize
missile defense because of internal governmental reasons he
should do so in another place than Russia. The Prime
Minister,s office and the MFA have claimed that the PM,s
comments reported in international media were taken out of
context and that he intended to promote dialogue and make
clear that Norway would not be used for any missile defense
systems. See ref a for more the GON approach to Missile
Defense.

Likely Results: Confirmation of Norways Current Russia Policy
----------------------------------------------------------

6. (C)
In a summary to the press before he returned to Norway,
Stoltenberg highlighted his satisfaction with reaching an
agreement over the border in Varangerfjord. He also called for
more frequent contacts with Russian leadership and invited
President Putin to Norway. The border agreement, Statoil,s
meeting with Putin and the positive developments on nuclear
safety in the Barents were all key successes for Norway,s High
North priorities. These successful results will likely
encourage the GON,s natural inclination to avoid criticism of
Russia and to stress their interest in co-operative projects
in the North. This does not mean that the GON is unaware or
unconcerned about the developments in Russia. We hear frequent
private expressions of concern from lower-level members of the
Defense Department and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs over
Russia,s new aggressiveness and Russia is a topic which will
continue to generate media and public interest. However, the
GON appears determined to continue its course of downplaying
disagreements in order to focus on its goal of close
cooperation with Russia in the Barents region and make
progress in its high priority High North policy. Elite
opinion, including in the MFA, also includes sympathy for the
worn argument that Russian misdeeds are often reactions to
mistakes by the west, and in particular the U.S.

Whitney
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